The overthrowing of Roe v Wade did not happen overnight either. Neither was it an isolated action, but a well-thought backlash strategy by conservative groups in the U.S. to cut back on reproductive freedom.
On the wake of the SCOTUS ruling, statistics showed a bleak outlook: at least 66 clinics across the country stopped providing abortion services; travel times for people looking to get an abortion soared; added associated costs placed an even harder burden on people of colour, working parents, or both. Effects on criminalisation, denial of abortions and late-term abortions are among the main findings on the latest research following the Dobbs decision.
The mid-term congressional elections in 2022 put a spotlight on abortion, having this been a decisive issue for many voters who turned to the polls willing to stop having their rights stripped away from them, particularly voting in state elections to stop further restrictions or tightening abortion access in legislation through direct ballot measures. Still, the national congressional landscape remains uncertain, foreseeing that the battleground for abortion rights in the U.S. will heavily lean towards fighting at state level.
The way forward
In this final part, I would like to advance on an exchange based on the challenges that both countries analysed here face moving forward with abortion access.
The U.S. is an illustrative case of how the amplification of human rights is not a one-way avenue. As mentioned before, Argentina has enshrined into its laws many issues on gender and reproduction. However, time and again opposing forces will call into question acquired rights. Whilst trans and non-binary communities’ demands made it into the abortion law in Argentina, through the use of inclusive language, the subject remains contentious in practice. Mauro Cabral, a trans activist and historian, points out that