We argue that the three supported this war because they read global politics through the lens of their atheism. They appear to see the West as locked in an existential war with religion, particularly Islam. There are four striking aspects of this atheist vision of global geopolitics.
First, they see religion as essentially violent. “Religion is the most prolific source of violence in our history,” says Harris. The 9/11 attacks “came from religion”, adds Dawkins, who claims it is the “deadly weapon” which is “the underlying source of the divisiveness in the Middle East”. This analysis obscures the murky role of foreign powers and corrupt rulers in the Middle East and the ability of charismatic leaders to co-opt religion and fuse it with legitimate grievances.
Although highly critical of Christianity’s historical record, they regard Islam as an existential threat to modern, secular societies. Whereas US President George W. Bush insisted that “Islam is a religion of peace”, the New Atheists disagree. Dawkins singles out Islam as “one of the great evils in the world”. “We are at war with Islam,” argues Harris, not merely with “an otherwise peaceful religion that has been ‘hijacked’ by extremists.”
The New Atheists are convinced that their version of Western civilisation is superior to what they understand to be the religious-based cultures of the Middle East. “All the world’s Muslims,” tweeted Dawkins in 2011, “have fewer Nobel Prizes than Trinity College, Cambridge.” Hitchens wrote that the 9/11 attacks led him to feel “exhilaration” because they plunged the world into an “unmistakable confrontation between everything I loved and everything I hated”.
Finally, they exhibit a version of the “white man’s burden” to rescue Afghanistan, Iraq and other places from their own religious backwardness. Adopting what looks like a classic colonial attitude, Harris writes that “however mixed or misguided our intentions were” in invading Iraq “we are attempting, at considerable cost to ourselves, to improve life for the Iraqi people”.
Imagine no religion
Harris extends his argument by suggesting that the racial profiling of Muslims and judicial torture of terrorists may be ethical in what he calls “our war on terror”. At its extreme, he contends that “Muslims pose a special problem for nuclear deterrence” because theologically they don’t fear death. He reasons they are immune to the usual logic of Mutually Assured Destruction. Therefore, if an Islamist government acquired nuclear weapons, then “a nuclear first strike of our own” may be “the only course of action available to us”. The irony in this argument, which began with the declaration that religion is uniquely violent, is apparently missed by Harris, who has since qualified his position on torture as this: