— and it needs to be aware that this partnership is not unconditional.
The Road to Europe Leads Through Paris
In light of the difficult Brexit negotiations and the challenge to define a ‘new normal’, the UK’s road to European defence cooperation does not, at least for the moment, lead directly through Brussels, but rather through the European capitals. Indeed, the Integrated Review could even be described as a ‘pivot to Paris’: the UK’s aspirations reflected in the ambition of becoming ‘Global Britain’ rhyme very well with the French conceptualisation of the Grande Nation, a great power with global influence. Besides the fact that the UK and France share similar characteristics — similar population size and GDP, nuclear powers in Europe, permanent members of the United Nations Security Council — they both aspire to play a key global role. Similarly, both are facing the increasingly important role of China and other rising powers, and thus the threat of relative decline. While France has a traditionally more important regional focus on Africa, most recently manifest in counterterrorism and stability operations, both countries describe the Indo-Pacific as the key theatre for international security in the upcoming years, calling for more European action in this region. Consequently, there is a high level of convergence of strategic interests between London and Paris. Franco-British security and defence cooperation is traditionally close and has, in the past, often worked as a catalyst for more European action in the field. Bilateral France-UK cooperation could once again become a door opener for European defence cooperation in the age of Global Britain. The Lancaster House Treaty (2010) facilitated cooperation on the operational level, but bilateral defence cooperation in terms of grand strategy-making or ambitious joint projects between London and Paris have been slowing down over the last two decades. It would therefore need policy-makers with the objective to give new impetus to Franco-British cooperation for Europe to benefit from positive synergies.
Besides the fact that the UK’s aspirations for Global Britain have been assessed in a mostly positive manner in France, policy-makers in Paris will be keen to deepen practical cooperation with the UK. Since his election, French president Macron has regularly seen his high ambitions for European defence cooperation fail because of concessions made to other European states in the framework of the CSDP. As a reaction, Paris decided to launch more flexible formats of defence cooperation outside this existing institutional framework: consequently, the European Intervention Initiative, with a small secretariat in Paris, aims at creating a European strategic culture and enabling Europeans to better act together, and the Task Force Takuba, composed of European special forces for the fight against terrorism, is fully integrated in France’s Barkhane mission in Mali. Interestingly, the UK participates in both formats, as it is a member state in the European Intervention Initiative and was among the countries launching Task Force Takuba, although the British support for this project remains only political for the moment. Even though the UK does not deploy special forces explicitly to the task force, it supports the French Barkhane mission with helicopters from the Royal Air Force, and operates alongside the European partners and other countries within the UN Mission MINUSMA through its Operation Newcombe. This underlines the willingness in London to assess opportunities for European defence cooperation on a case-by-case basis, and the general awareness that cooperation with European partners can be beneficial because of the multitude of shared security interests.
Flexibility is Key - for Successful Cooperation and Strategic Autonomy
Indeed, these flexible forms of European defence cooperation can emerge as a win-win cooperation for all sides: they allow a flexible and targeted response to a security problem through European states willing and able to participate in this grouping, and might therefore. accelerate responses to security challenges in the European neighbourhood more efficiently. Besides, these formats perfectly align with the UK’s quest for Global Britain by allowing the UK to participate in the concrete resolution of security challenges as a meaningful actor without abandoning its autonomy, as all these formats are intergovernmental and work without a transfer of national sovereignty or decision-making powers. For the EU member states, flexible formats of defence cooperation with the UK in areas where security interests converge can be equally beneficial and serve as an ‘add-on’ to the existing CSDP. The UK’s quest for Global Britain can thus constitute an important incentive for EU member states who are willing and able to seek cooperation beyond the existing CSDP framework, and to enhance factual cooperation. Indeed, the UK itself has, through its leadership of the Cooperative Joint Expeditionary Force, played a key role in advancing these flexible formats of cooperation of willing and capable states. Already before the UK left the EU, other non-EU member states participated in this project, which underlines that this form of ad hoc coalitions aligns well with the post-Brexit environment because it provides an efficient alternative for interstate cooperation in a complex institutional context.
Paradoxically, the UK’s ambition to become Global Britain and the emergence of more flexible cooperation with the UK might benefit European strategic autonomy both within and beyond the European Union. The concept of